Governments
Arguably the largest lobbying community in Brussels is government representations. Brussels hosts 183 embassies – more than any other city in the world – representing both bilateral relations with Belgium and EU representation. Some countries send two ambassadors: one to Belgium and one to the EU. In a city where institutional complexity makes traditional diplomatic channels insufficient, Brussels-based consultancies are routinely engaged by both EU member state governments and non-EU countries to gain access, promote interests, secure funding, and influence regulation.
In 2026, the geopolitical context is generating unprecedented demand for government-facing Brussels advocacy. The Trump administration’s pressure on EU digital regulation, defence burden-sharing, and trade policy has prompted several non-US Western governments to invest more heavily in Brussels relationships. Non-EU European governments – UK, Norway, Switzerland – are navigating post-Brexit and bilateral treaty dynamics with heightened intensity. Countries in the Western Balkans and Eastern Partnership are managing EU accession and neighbourhood policy processes. The return of geopolitical bloc politics has significantly increased demand for Brussels expertise on sanctions coordination, defence procurement diplomacy, strategic autonomy initiatives, and the accession negotiations involving Ukraine, Moldova, and the Western Balkans – now among the most consequential dossiers in Brussels.
Council presidencies create structured advocacy opportunities for consultancies across all practice areas. In 2026, Cyprus held the Presidency in the first half and Ireland in the second – both smaller member states whose presidencies tend to prioritise consensus-building and dossiers with broad cross-EU interest. The complexity of EU decision-making, including the European Parliament’s enhanced powers since Lisbon, means professional Brussels advisers are now considered standard operating practice for most governments with significant EU interests.
Government motives vary widely – from image management and political support to securing EU funding, preferential trade treatment, and regulatory influence. Scandals involving the governments of Morocco, Mauritania, and Qatar have heightened scrutiny of third-country lobbying activities, increasing reputational risks and compliance considerations for firms working in this space.